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Tamil Nadu caste murders: Muthazhagu was killed in 2017 for helping intercaste couples

18 NOVEMBER 2021 | the news minute

This is the first in a series of articles in which TNM will follow up on Tamil Nadu caste murders that took place between January 2016 and December 2020 that have hit a roadblock.

Muthazhagu 2017 caste murder
NEWS CASTE CRIMES THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 2021 – 15:24

In September this year, Madurai-based anti-caste NGO Evidence released a grim five-year report on the number of caste murders and convictions in Tamil Nadu. From January 2016 to December 2020, there were 300 murders of people from Schedule Caste and Scheduled Tribe communities. The total number of convictions for these murders stood at an abysmal 13. In 30 cases, the accused have been acquitted. The remaining 257 cases are stagnating at various stages, either with the courts or with the police. In a series of articles, TNM will be following up on some of these cases that have hit roadblocks or in which the accused have been acquitted, speaking to surviving families and/or lawyers to highlight how so many are yet to receive justice.

The first in this series is the murder of 34-year-old Muthazhagu, who was hacked to death over four years ago for his grassroots anti-caste activism. He was attacked near his home in Madurai district’s Vadapazhanji on June 28, 2017. The accused used an aruvaal (sickle) and knives. He bled to death from these wounds. Those accused in his murder are all out on bail. And the trial? It’s yet to begin.

“They killed my husband because he fearlessly came forward for his community, no matter what the issue was. If I have to put it simply, they thought as long as he’s around, he’ll ask questions. If we kill him, the rest of them will also go quiet,” says his wife Arulmozhi.

A well-known activist figure in the area, Muthazhagu lived in Vadapazhanji’s Ambedkar Colony with his wife and two sons, who were then studying in Class 6 and 7. At the time of his murder, he was a district-level co-organiser of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK). He had helped several intercaste couples get married, Arulmozhi tells TNM.

“If youngsters in our colony faced caste-based harassment he’d encourage them to file FIRs under the Protection of Civil Rights (PCR) or Prevention of Atrocities Against SC/STs (PoA) Acts. Usually, the oppressor caste would try to come to a settlement in the police station itself without a case getting filed. My husband wouldn’t allow this. When a TASMAC liquor store in our neighbourhood opened a bar illegally, he stood with the women fighting to shut it down,” she adds.

In 2013, he had helped a woman from a dominant caste and her now husband, who is Dalit, get married. The couple, facing opposition from her family, had approached Muthazhagu for help. Muthazhagu faced casteist abuse and threats from the woman’s family for a year then, says a press statement released by Evidence after his death.

He and Arulmozhi are themselves an intercaste couple. Muthazhagu had supported many such couples until he was attacked and killed. The 12 accused are from the Pira Malai Kallar caste, a Kallar sub-caste that falls within the Thevar cluster or the so-called ‘Mukkulathor’. They are the caste group from whom Dalit people in the area face repeated antagonism.

In her witness statement, Arulmozhi records that on the night of the murder, she returned home to find that Muthazhagu had left somewhere in a hurry. This was around 9.00 pm, she says. She tried calling his mobile phone twice, but there was no answer. A relative who lived nearby told her that he had gone westwards while speaking on his phone, writes Arulmozhi, so she walked in the same direction. When she rang him a fourth time, it said the number was out of the network area.

At that moment she heard a neighbour raise an alarm ahead. She, her father-in-law and others ran in the direction of the shouts to find Muthazhagu lying dead in a pool of blood. He had stab injuries on his right temple, right ear, chest, left hip and more. They also noted abrasions on his left elbow and knee.


The field where Muthazhagu was found murdered

“They [the Pira Malai Kallars in the area] calculated that if he was no longer around, there would be no one else to come forward and ask questions. Their calculation has turned out correct. In these last five years, whatever happens, no one has taken a stand like he did,” says Arulmozhi.

Kathir, founder and executive director of the NGO Evidence, calls Muthazhagu “a straightforward, honest young man”. He adds, “He wanted to bring about change. He was a true grassroots activist and Dalit human rights defender. Many people in politics can be bought, but not him. Even in the case of the TASMAC illegal bar, which was owned by a person from the Pira Malai Kallar community, they offered money to silence him, but he wouldn’t be swayed.”

Evidence has been supporting the family since the murder, documenting the case and arranging for legal help.


Arulmozhi, Muthazhagu’s wife, with A Kathir founder and executive director of Evidence

Police delay, courts delay even more

The PoA Act clearly states that in the case of murder of Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe persons, a chargesheet should be filed within 60 days of the incident. In Muthazhagu’s case, the chargesheet was only filed on May 3, 2018, nine months later than it should have been.

After the bail hearing of the accused, the case has not progressed. Seven of the accused were granted bail, the remaining five absconded and later got anticipatory bail. The trial itself remains pending in front of the SC/ST special court in Madurai. Arulmozhi says that a date has been given next month, but she is waiting to see what will happen.

Justice delayed is routine with caste crimes

The roadblocks in the Muthazhagu case are not unusual. The criminal justice system routinely works to the disfavour of SC/ST communities. It begins right from the FIR stage. Often FIRs are not filed under PoA, despite the law mandating that they should be when the perpatrator is not SC/ST. This dilutes the case at the beginning. A report by the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) says that 32.5% of crimes against SC people in India from 2009-2018 were not registered under PoA. In Muthazhagu’s case too, the FIR, of which TNM has a copy, was filed only under section 302 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) (punishment for murder).

The delayed chargesheet in the Muthazhagu case is also not unusual. Again, with reference to the NCDHR report, chargesheets for 476 PoA cases in 2016 and 454 PoA cases in 2017 in Tamil Nadu were filed only after the mandated 60 days had lapsed.

As Kathir had told TNM earlier, there are delays at each stage, from the filing of the FIR and the chargesheet to the actual pronouncement of judgment. Often, in the case of convictions, the sentencing is under IPC alone and not under PoA. Kathir had added that “throughout the investigative process there are missteps, for example, according to the PoA Act the district collector is obligated to do a spot visit, but that does not happen in most of the cases.” He further said, “Threats to the family at the FIR stage, improper filing of the FIR, biased investigations, there are a hoard of problems.” He had also alleged that the performance of the investigating police officer to the public prosecutor is not up to par.

Justifiable reasons for investigative or judicial delays appear scant.

Speaking to TNM for this report, Kathir says, “For example, when questions are asked as to why there is a delay in the charge sheet, they [the police] will say we are conducting further investigations. According to the PoA, it is possible to give the verdict in three months after the chargesheet is filed. Fast-tracking these cases is a demand that Evidence has repeatedly put forth.”

“We need more investigative officers (IOs) who focus on PoA cases without having to look at regular cases filed under IPC,” Kathir also says. “Anyway,” he adds, “the IO for PoA cases is the Deputy superintendent of Police (DSP). To my knowledge, there are more than 300 DSPs in Tamil Nadu. The average number PoA cases in the state are 1,200 annually. That’s only 3 to 4 PoA cases per DSP each year. What then is the reason for such long investigative delays? Why are they not able to conduct quality investigations?”

நீ அடிக்க ஒரு லட்சம்அவன் அடிச்சவனுக்கு10லட்சம்அதான் சூர்யா

16 NOVEMBER 2021 | ARAKALAGAM TV

CPI activist murder: ‘Cop must be held for colluding with accused

15 NOVEMBER 2021 | THE NEW INIDIAN EXPRESS

MADURAI:  The Executive Director of NGO ‘Evidence’ A Kathir, whose team recently conducted a fact-finding study at Needamangalam, said the slain activist and CPI office-bearer Tamizharvan’s murder was instigated by police inspector Murugesan who allegedly colluded with key accused Rajkumar and demanded the inspector’s arrest. Earlier on November 10, Needamangalam panchayat union secretary of CPI Natesa Tamizharvan (52) was hacked to death with machetes by a gang of men who came on three motorcycles when he stepped out of his car near a bank at Needamangalam. He died on the spot.

Kathir, in his statement said Tamizharvan was an activist who voiced human rights violations against the poor. A fact-finding team from Evidence visited Needamangalam on Saturday and conducted a field study.
“It was found Tamizharvan, through his untiring efforts, ensured that sand mining activity does not take place in the locality.

He had lodged police complaints against one of the assailants and the key suspect R Rajkumar (33), a resident of Poovanur. Rajkumar was involved in drug peddling and khap panchayat. Recently, Tamizharvam lodged complaints against Rajkumar for causing burn injuries on the private parts of a youth by hanging him upside down and for threatening a Muslim resident,” Kathir stated.

However, colluding with Rajkumar, Needamangalam police inspector Murugesan reportedly acted in support of Rajkumar, condemning which CPI cadre planned to go on a hunger protest in front of the Mannargudi RDO office on October 11.


Dalit youth’s kin receive body

11 Nov 2021 | THE HINDU

Family of Dalit youth S. Sureshkumar, whose death caused a controversy in Kanniyakumari district, accepted his body after four days.

A. Kathir, founder and executive director of Evidence, a Madurai-based NGO, who was involved in the talks with police, said he and the family had decided to take the case to court as they had no faith in police. “Though the FIR talks about murder, the police have not even invoked Article 306 of the IPC (abetting suicide) in the case. The police are not ready to share the details of the post mortem report, but maintain that it is a case of suicide,” he said.

Sureshkumar, a native of Thovalai, was in love with a caste-Hindu woman and his family was questioned by the police on the complaint of her family. On the same day, he was found in an unconscious state. He died at Asaripallam Government Medical College Hospital.

Sureshkumar and his girl friend had shared messages through WhatsApp which had run into 150 pages. “They seemed to have had a very close relationship that the girl had given her certificate and Aadhaar card to him. Something went wrong in the last one week of Sureshkumar’s life,” Mr. Kathir said.

உறையவைக்கும் சித்திரவதைகள் இன்றும் நடக்குது” Jai Bhim முதல் Ashwini வரை

5 Nov 2021 | Behindwoods Air

கிரிக்கெட் இந்துத்துவா சீமான் இனவெறி சரியா?

28-10-2021 | ARAKALAGAM TV

சேலம் எஸ்.பி. மீது நடவடிக்கை எடுப்பாரா ஸ்டாலின்?

26-10-2021 | Liberty Tamil

முடி வெட்டக் கூட ஜாதி பார்க்கும் சமூகம் இது கேவலம் இல்லையா?

26-10-2021 | ARAKALAGAM TV

Four Beheadings in Ten Days: Revenge Killings Leave a Trail of Terror in India

29.09.2021 | VICE

Last week, 59-year-old Nirmala Devi was found beheaded in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu.

On the same day, Stephen Raj was beheaded near a bus stop in the same district. The week before, a man called Sankara Subramanium was found murdered and decapitated. Two days later, the severed head of another man, Mariappan, was found on Subramanium’s grave.

Following the shocking incidents, police made 450 arrests in a state-wide crackdown on what they called “antisocial elements” and “rowdies” in the region of more than 72 million people.

Investigators now assert that the four beheadings are connected to two warring “gangs” from two different castes in southern India: the Pandian and Pannaiyar.

“Caste affinity motivates them,” VR Srinivasan, the superintendent of police in Tamil Nadu’s district of Dindigul, told The Indian Express. “They all had a collective motive, of revenge,” another officer involved in the case told The Indian Express. “Nothing could have stopped them.”

In India, at least one incident of caste-based violence is recorded every hour.

A Kathir, a Dalit social activist who runs the NGO Evidence that monitors crimes against Dalits, said his organisation has documented at least 300 caste-based murders in 33 Tamil Nadu districts over the last five years. In the group’s survey of around 100 Dalit murders, they found that the suspects in half of the cases had not been arrested. The latest government report showed that crimes against Dalits across the country continue to rise, and yet the conviction rate remains very low.

The caste system in India has parallels to America’s racism problem. In the ancient social structure, people born in Dalit families are considered “untouchables” and subjected to structural and institutional exclusion, often through violent means. India outlawed caste-based discrimination in 1950, but the caste system still widely exists.

Unlike many Indian states where the caste divide is used for political gains, Tamil Nadu has historically had a strong anti-caste movement, said Kalpana Sathish, a human rights and anti-caste activist. Still, realities on the ground remain abysmal. Very often, the Indian police have been reported to have caste bias, too.

“When the Dalit people retaliate, violence is unleashed on them. Then murders are committed,” Sathish told VICE World News. “The state terms these incidents as ‘caste clash’ or ‘rowdyism.’ They will not address the root cause – the caste problem.”

The recent series of murders and decapitations highlights India’s deeply-rooted caste system, and how communities resort to violence when they feel justice eludes them.

The Pandians are Dalits while the Pannaiyars are from a dominant caste similar to Brahmins.

In their investigation, the police found that caste-based conflicts between the Pandians and Pannaiyars have so far claimed at least 12 lives. The latest victim, Nirmala Devi, was accused in the murder of C Pasupathy Pandian, who was a prominent Dalit leader.

“The beginning of these revenge killings by the Pandian was locally seen as a reaction to harassment meted out to Dalit labourers who worked under the Pannaiyar family, mainly over issues such as water scarcity and disputes over a salt pan,” a senior police official involved in the investigation told the media.

Last year, during the COVID-19 lockdown, Tamil Nadu recorded “new levels” of caste-based discrimination. Dalits were murdered, forced to eat faeces, lynched by mobs, and became targets of other forms of violence.

“Ideologically, our state stands for social justice” Sathish said. “But in reality, the caste system is so entrenched. There is a history of thousands of years of oppression.”

A Human Rights Watch report found that the pattern of clashes in Tamil Nadu is an attempt by the Dalit at self-assertion and a reflection of their loss of faith in the justice system.

Caste assertion is a phenomenon in many parts of India. For instance, some Dalits are reclaiming temple spaces where they used to be banned because they were considered “impure.” In 2017, a spate of attacks on Dalits by dominant-caste men over growing a moustache led to a social media movement.

Often, when caste-based killings are reported or documented, police officials would rather keep mum for fear of being questioned by the public, Kathir said.

“There are several motivations for such murders: land issues, harassment issues, untouchability and so on,” he added. “A lot of Dalit activists and political leaders are murdered, too. These are not personal clashes. These are clearly social issues.”

Various human rights reports have documented how the police often refuse to register complaints from Dalits, delay their arrival at a crime scene, or fail to arrest suspects from the dominant castes.

Sathish said caste retaliation is bound to happen if the system continues to discriminate against Dalits. “In practice, social justice remains a slogan for Dalits.”

18 ஆண்டுகள் கழித்து ஆணவக் கொலைக்கு கிடைத்த நீதி… நிலைக்குமா?

26 Sept 2021 | IBC TAMIL